by
Amy Chua
Doubleday, New York, New York; 2003; ISBN 1-0-385-50302-4; 340 pages; $26.00
Reviewed by John D. Trudel, www.trudelgroup.com
World on Fire is the most profound book on global business and international trade policy that you’ve not read and probably never even heard of. It deserves deep consideration.
The book links the two greatest trends in the world today: globalization and violence. There have been a few good books on globalization from the perspective of theory, but this one is a pragmatic report on what’s actually been happening.[i]
Professor Chua is well credentialed to write such a book.
She teaches at Yale, but her experience is more than academic. She comes
from one of the prominent Chinese families in the Philippines, was trained
almost from the cradle in global trade, and rose to employment with
organizations like the World Bank. She fuses compelling research with firsthand
experience to build her case, and her conclusions are sobering.
This book is a study in unintended consequences: “How
Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability.”
What happens when you combine the unfettered essence of the two most fundamental
precepts of the West, democracy and free market economics? Most would expect
good to result.
“After the fall of the Berlin Wall a common political and
economic consensus emerged, not only in the West, but to a considerable extent
around the world. Markets and democracy, working hand in hand, would transform
the world into a community of modernized, peace-loving nations. In the process,
ethnic hatred, extremist fundamentalism, and other “backward” aspects of
underdevelopment would be swept away.”[ii]
As Ms. Chua says, “The consensus could not have been more mistaken.” [iii]
It does not please professor Chua to report this. She’s
not an anti-globalist.
What caused her to notice something was badly wrong
wasn’t reading headlines about protests, riots, or terrorism. It was more
personal. Her aunt Leona, her father’s wealthy, unmarried twin sister, was
killed in her home in the Philippines.
The police interviewed the witnesses. The household maids
confessed that the chauffer planned and executed the crime with their knowledge
and assistance. At the time of the interview the chauffer was wearing bloodied
white gloves and still holding the bloody knife. It was murder most foul. With
premeditation, the burly six foot two chauffer had brutally killed his four foot
eleven, 58-year-old employer in her own living room.
The maids were released after questioning, a warrant was
issued, and the chauffer “disappeared.” He’s not been found and the case
is, in effect, closed. As Ms. Chua says, “The policemen in the Philippines,
all poor ethnic Filipinos themselves, are notoriously unmotivated in these
cases.” [iv]
Ms. Chua found her family’s reaction more shocking than
the murder. They were matter-of-fact, almost indifferent. It turns out that Aunt
Leona’s murder fits a common pattern.
“Hundreds of Chinese in the Philippines are kidnapped
every year, almost invariably by ethnic Filipinos.” The Chinese community
hired more guards and upgraded their security systems.
Why are the Chinese targeted? As one grinning policeman
explained, “Because they have more money?” [v]
At 1% of the population, they control 60% of the private economy. The motive the
police listed was one word, “Revenge.”
With that comment, I’ll skip past this murder, which is
but a pinprick in a larger pattern of global violence. As Ms. Chua says: “This
book is about a phenomenon – pervasive outside the West yet rarely
acknowledged, indeed often viewed as taboo – that turns free market democracy
into an engine of ethnic conflagration. The phenomenon I refer to is market
dominant minorities.” [vi]
The book is divided into three parts: Economics, Politics, and “Why it
matters to the West.”
The richness of this section is outstanding. In region
after region (though not everywhere) the result of democracy and free markets
has been to consolidate wealth in the hands of a privileged minority, usually an
ethnic minority, as with the Chinese in the Philippines and Southeast Asia.
In Latin America there is resentment about “white”
wealth – interestingly those in this category may have black skins. In Russia,
the billionaires are Jewish, while in Africa it is the “Ibo of Cameroon,”
also known as the “Jews of Nigeria.” In East Africa, it’s the Indians,
while in West Africa it’s the Lebanese. The Mid East, especially Palestine,
fits the pattern.
Ms. Chua works her way around the world: her research is
detailed and compelling. She finds market-dominant minorities virtually
everywhere. Who are hated by the masses around them.
One key point is that the United States of America is
“everywhere perceived as the world’s market-dominant minority, wielding
outrageously disproportionate economic power relative to our size and
numbers.”[vii]
We’re credited (or blamed) for sponsoring globalization, and hated for
it by many. Hence the terrorist acts of 9/11.
We don’t think that way, of course. Most people in the
U.S. are supportive of people becoming wealthy. That’s the America Dream. We
believe at our core this is a good thing, that anyone who prepares themselves
and works hard can better their situation.
Few Americans curse Bill Gates for his wealth (perhaps for
other things, but not for being wealthy). Most are envious and motivated by his
successes. Indeed “poor and lower-middle-class are often capitalism’s
biggest fans.” [viii]
The American Dream is unique, and, indeed, it may even be
eroding here as we watch high wage jobs being exported and intellectual property
law being massively shifted from enabling the new to protecting the old.[ix]
In any case, “outside the West, in countries with widespread poverty and a
market-dominant minority, the dream of upward mobility is largely a
nonstarter.” [x]
If large-scale entrepreneurship is rare, crony capitalism
and cartels are not. The book argues this dark side of capitalism, especially
when combined with practices such as sweatshops and plundering natural
resources, leads to resentment, hopelessness, and rage. When a minority can be
blamed, the mix is explosive.
Ms. Chua argues that globalism as presently practiced, has
unleashed a veritable bloodbath all over the world. “In America we read about
acts of mass slaughter and savagery; at first in faraway places, now coming
closer and closer to home. We do not understand what connects these acts. Nor do
we understand the role we have played in bringing them about.” [xi]
Recent years have seen genocides unparalleled since
Hitler’s Nazi Germany. In a period of some 90 days, in Rwanda, ordinary Hutus
killed some eight hundred thousand Tutsis, typically by hacking them to death
with machetes. Patients hacked their doctors, students their teachers.
In Sierra Leone there was a decade of violence that killed
some 75,000 and left 4.5 million displaced. Rebels gave farmers a choice: they
could either rape their own daughters or have both hands cut off. Much the same
happened in Kenya, Indonesia, South Africa, Namibia, and Rhodesia (now
Zimbabwe), etc.
Many describe the violence directed at Zimbabwe’s white
farmers and their black farmhands as “anarchy.” If so, it was an anarchy
born of democracy. Mugabe was a hero of Zimbabwe’s national movement, elected
overwhelmingly in the closely monitored elections of 1980 and every election
since. [xii]
His platform was to seize land from the “white exploiters.”
Serbia was worse. There the genocide spread to neighboring
countries engulfing the entire region in civil war and ethnic cleansing. It’s
important to note that Milosevic
was duly elected – in fact, reelected even after being put on trial as an
international war criminal.
Ms. Chua argues that laissez-faire markets and rapid
democratization would be a very high-risk strategy for the Middle East. She sees
it as a recipe for extremist politics, dominated by ethno nationalist or
fundamentalist parties unified in their hatred of Israel and the West. Iraq may
test this thesis.
Ms. Chua notes that the export of free markets and
democracy has repeatedly not led to peace and prosperity, but instead to ethnic
or bureaucratic confiscation, authoritarian backlash, and mass killing. Should
we just give this up as failed policy? She says, “No.”
I’m skeptical. Until quite recently, we had national
sovereignty in trade matters, high tariffs, strong unions, and intellectual
property and antitrust law set to protect new things. We had high wage jobs and
economic prosperity without global carnage and hatred. We had more freedom to
pursue the American Dream. Perhaps a public debate on economic and trade policy
is needed.
This part of the book presents speculative adjustments to
improve current policy: all reasonable, most compassionate, and none likely to
be adopted. Still she has some good points. The best of which is that we’ve
forgotten our own history.
For twenty years, we’ve been promoting instantaneous democratization and Wild West capitalism. “In doing so, we are asking developing and post-Communist countries to embrace a process that no Western nation ever went through.” It’s a good point.
[i] See, for example, William Greider, One World, Ready or Not: The maniac logic of global capitalism, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1997. (Friedman’s more popular The Lexus and the Olive Tree presents the opposite view.)
[ii] Chua, World on Fire, Pg 123.
[iii] Chua, op. cit., pg. 123.
[iv] Chua, op. cit., pg. 3.
[v] Chua, op. cit., pg. 3.
[vi] Chua, op. cit., pg. 5.
[vii] Chua, op. cit., pg. 7.
[viii] Chua, op. cit., pg. 196.
[ix] See, for example, Lawrence Lessig, The Future of Ideas, Random House, New York, 2001.
[x] Chua, op. cit., pg. 197.
[xi] Chua, op. cit., pg. 5.
[xii] Chua, op. cit., pg. 128.
John D. Trudel is an author, columnist, and business innovation consultant who helps technology and strategy come together to optimize value for his clients. He’s in Oregon, USA, 503-538-1169, e-mail jtrudel@trudelgroup.com, www.trudelgroup.com.
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